Àṣírí Ọ̀rọ̀

The Yorùbá Nation - the Emerging Hegemon of West Africa Coast

Summary: This report analyzes the historical, cultural, and economic foundations that position the Yorùbá-speaking region—spanning Southwest and Central Nigeria, Benin Republic, and Togo—as the natural successor to regional leadership in West Africa. By examining “Lingual Soft Power,” the “Greater Lagos” industrial cluster, and the coined concept of …

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24 days ago · 1 like · Adejumo David Adebayo

Summary: This report analyzes the historical, cultural, and economic foundations that position the Yorùbá-speaking region—spanning Southwest and Central Nigeria, Benin Republic, and Togo—as the natural successor to regional leadership in West Africa. By examining “Lingual Soft Power,” the “Greater Lagos” industrial cluster, and the coined concept of “Association of Golf of Guinea Nations” (AGGN), we identify the shift from “potentiality” to “actualization” through coastal infrastructure and trade integration

The purpose of this essay is to analyse facts, evidence, reality, and history for the case; it has nothing to do with racial narcissism, chauvinism, or feelings of ethnic superiority over others. The United States of America may be a global superpower, but it wouldn’t be if it weren’t the Hegemon of the Americas. Being a regional hegemon is more about stability and the capacity to project influence and power in the area so that the hegemon’s interests or point of view maintain stability and security than it is about morality or altruistic commitment.

China is the regional hegemon in Asia, particularly the South China Sea, while maintaining its historical role as a “Merchant State.” Russia is the regional hegemon in the Balkans, Caucasus, and Eastern Europe. There are no regional or sub-regional hegemons in Africa alone. In the past, Nigeria assumed the role of pseudo-hegemon, projecting its power and influence beyond its borders and stabilizing/interfering in the affairs of its West African counterparts and beyond. However, this was during the Oil Boom, when Nigeria had enormous wealth linked to the global oil boom during its period of military dictatorship.

Naturally, I ought to have listed “NIGERIA” as the Potential Hegemon that ought to take the helm of sub-Saharan Africa, but NIGERIA has lost time. Time and era are two of the most crucial elements of civilisation and development. Nigeria’s sabotage is primarily due to internal factors rather than the bogeyman theory; this is nearly the same reason why India is unable to compete with China and has turned into a “Nigeria” of Asia with its enormous potential, which means little if they remain fictional/aspirational. There are a number of reasons why Nigeria was unable to keep up the pace and assume the sole role, most of which are internal factors rather than external forces.

Àṣírí Ọ̀rọ̀

A Nigerian Addiction to Potential

An average Nigerian can parrot the potential of Nigeria in their sleep without forethought…

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4 years ago · 5 likes · Olúwáṣèyí

However, potentiality is an illusion; potentials are like dreams that might never come true; they don’t alter countries; actualisation does. Putting in the work while accepting reality and making reasonable compromises to take one step closer is how we’ve seen China rise.

The Historical Foundation: Lingual Soft Power

History confirms that the Yorùbá language served as a pre-colonial lingua franca, functioning similarly to Latin in Europe.

“Yorùbá was the Lingua Franca of most of southern Nigeria (Antonio brassio monumenta missionaria africana (1st series, 14 vols:lisbon, 1952-85, 8 no 135: Columbin de Nantes, Sao tome, 26 Dec 1940;)

In fact, by the time that the trade with Europe started, the Yorùbá language had become the lingua franca for peoples beyond the Yorùbá ethnic homeland.

Writing about the Aja kingdom of Allada; In 1668, Dapper said: “Their own mother tongue is by them little regarded; therefore, they seldom speak it; but they are obliged to speak mostly Alkomijs which in their country is regarded as a noble language.”

One Father Columbin of Nantes visited the coast of West Africa as head of the French mission in 1634 and 1640.

In a letter to the higher authorities of the mission, he wrote as follows about the Benin kingdom:

“In this kingdom, the people may very easily be led to embrace the faith, and priests can live here with greater ease than in other parts of Guinea because of the healthy climate … Their language is simple; it is called Licomin language and is universally used in these parts, just like Latin in Europe”.

Europeans along the West African coast called the Yorùbá- Lukumi, Lucumi or Alkomin (and endless variations of it) and the Yorùbá language Alkomijs, Licomin (and other variations).

Thus, Dapper’s Alkomijs and Father Columbin’s Licomin meant the same — the Yorùbá language.

The use of the Yorùbá language, therefore, linked together not only all parts of the Yorùbá homeland but also areas extending beyond. As earlier pointed out, the Aja country, commercially, was essentially part of western Yorùbáland. Such an expansive cultural and linguistic continuum provided great opportunities for commercial development.

Contrast in Lingual Power: Organic vs. Imposed

A critical distinction in African hegemony is the method of linguistic spread. While Yorùbá influence has historically been organic, other regional powers relied on state-led “unification.”

The “Northernization” Policy and Hausa Imposition

• Ahmadu Bello’s Vision: Under the Late Sardauna of Sokoto, Ahmadu Bello, the “Northernization Policy” was implemented to create a monolithic Northern identity (Arewanism) to compete with the South.

• Institutional Imposition: Hausa was established as the official regional language alongside English. It was mandated in primary education and civil service recruitment, effectively imposing it on hundreds of non-Hausa ethnic groups in the Middle Belt and Central Nigeria.

• Modern Resistance: In recent decades, a “Middle Belt consciousness” has emerged to challenge “Hausa-Fulani hegemony.” Efforts are currently underway in Central Nigeria to revitalize indigenous languages and undo the cultural erasure caused by decades of administrative Hausanization.

The Yorùbá Cultural Continuum (Organic Hegemony)

The Yorùbá language is the most widely spoken language in West Africa, second only to Hausa.

• The Contemporary Creative Economy: Today, Yorùbá influence is surging globally via music (Afrobeats) and religion (Ifá/Santería/Candomble). This “soft power” is voluntary; global audiences seek out the language to engage with the culture, creating a robust, non-coercive foundation for leadership.

Unlike Hausa or Swahili, which were often promoted via State Policy or administrative unification. Although Swahili is the most widely spoken language in Africa, especially in East Africa, the subsequent governments of these nations imposed this language on their indigenous people because they wanted to promote Pan Africanism and unity. Additionally, Swahili is a hybrid Bantu-Arabic Creole.

Yorùbá influence is expanding organically through the global “Creative Economy” (Afrobeats, Fuji, Juju).

Global Reach:

With approximately 60 million native speakers and a significant diaspora, the language’s relevance is amplified by digital consumption. High-profile icons (e.g., Asake) drive millions of non-native listeners to engage with the language via search engines and translation tools.

Due to its increasing usefulness and relevance, particularly in music genres like Afrobeats, Fuji, Juju, and more, Yorùbá is quickly emerging as the most influential African language in the world. Additionally, the language’s use by global musical icons of Yoruba origin has increased demand for the language. I conclude that if Asake had 1 billion listeners worldwide, an estimated 800 million of those listeners would attempt to recite his lyrics. As a result, they would probably say Yorùbá words or statements, and roughly 400 million would use search engines for Yoruba-native language translators to find the context or meanings of these Yorùbá words in his lyrics.

And this includes native Yoruba speakers. If 90% of Africans are able to speak the language, the number of native Yoruba speakers in Africa is probably close to 60 million, and the number of diasporic Yoruba speakers outside of Africa may be close to one million worldwide.

Yorùbá As Liturgical Language in Religio-cultural World

In Ifá and Orisa religion, Candomble, and Santeria, the Yorùbá language is primarily a significant language. With common or loaned deities like Ògún and Esu, the Yorùbá Language is also basic in Vodun, Ewe, and Fon divination systems. The need for the Yorùbá language is growing as the religion spreads throughout the Americas and the Caribbean, and more universities may begin to create departments of Yorùbá language, linguistics, and religious/Orisa studies.

The Geographic Advantage: The Coastal Hegemon

The center of gravity in African development is shifting toward “Coastal States.” The Yorùbá homeland possesses the most strategic maritime assets in West Africa.

Key Infrastructure & Ports

The Guinea Coast or the Bight of Benin and Yorùbá region plays the most significant and crucial role in this trans-border region, with Lagos becoming the West Africa Commercial and Industrial zone.

• Maritime Command: The region controls roughly 300km of Nigeria’s coastline (¾ of the national total) plus vital corridors in Benin and Togo. It stretches from Badagry/Port Novo (Ajase) to Itsekiri’s Escravos from Dahomey Basin to The Niger Delta.

• The T-Junction: Lagos serves as the nexus for the Abidjan-Lagos Coastal Highway, the Lagos-Calabar Highway, and the Sokoto-Badagry Super Highway, effectively linking the Sahel to the Atlantic.

The Economic Corridor: The Association of Gulf of Guinea Nations (AGGN)

The Association of Gulf of Guinea Nations (AGGN) is proposed for the indigenous Nations/Civilisations that inhabit the West African coast. Most important of these are the Yorùbá - Fon&Adja&Gun - Ewe-Ashanti/Twi/Fante - Akan Confederation, as in the European Union (EU) and ASEAN.

The proposed AGGN represents a borderless economic cluster (Yorùbá – Fon – Ewe – Akan) that de-emphasizes colonial linguistic barriers (French/English) in favour of indigenous commercial continuity.

As Western Nigeria, the Republic of Benin, Togo, and Ivory Coast form a seamless “Trans-Border” or “Borderless” African trade and commercial network, the historical civilisational relationship between Yorùbá and their neighbours that was hindered by French-British Colonialism and French-British Lingual Franca may be erased or de-emphasized. The barrier may be broken with the AfCFTA and African single currency, ECO.

Ports, industries, skilled labour, cross-cultural contacts, and logistics would all be seamlessly connected by one corridor.

Hegemons would emerge through comparative advantage and competition, even though all participating entities would benefit collectively.

The Greater Lagos Economic Cluster

The “Greater Lagos” concept represents the transition of the Lagos metropolitan area into a trans-border “Economic Development Cluster and Corridor.” By integrating the industrial heartlands of Ogun State and the untapped maritime potential of Coastal Ondo, this cluster is poised to become the most significant industrial and demographic engine in West Africa over the next several decades.

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Nigeria's Yorùbáland Geo-Economy - Prospects and Plans

In general, Yorùbáland, which is part of Nigeria, is divided into two geo-economic zones or corridors: The Western and The Eastern…

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10 months ago · 9 likes · Adejumo David Adebayo

The Geographic and Demographic Scope

Unlike the administrative boundaries of Lagos State, the Greater Lagos Cluster functions as a contiguous economic zone.

• Lagos Core: The financial and commercial nerve center.

• Ogun Industrial Corridor: Host to the highest concentration of manufacturing plants in West Africa (Agbara, Sagamu, and Mowe/Ibafo).

• Coastal Ondo: The frontier for deep-sea port development and expanded oil and gas extraction.

With a population density that is already the highest in Sub-Saharan Africa, this cluster provides a massive, youthful consumer market and a concentrated labor force.

The “Aeropolis” of Coastal Africa

The vision of Greater Lagos as a continental Aeropolis hinges on its role as a multimodal logistics hub.

Aviation Hub: Strategic positioning to connect East African markets (Addis Ababa, Nairobi) with West African capitals.

Trans-Atlantic Gateway: The shortest flight paths and shipping routes connecting Africa to Brazil and the Caribbean, re-establishing historical and commercial “South-South” ties.

Infrastructure Synergy: The integration of the Lekki Free Trade Zone, the Lekki Deep Sea Port, and the proposed Dangote/Lagos airport projects into a unified logistics network.

The Creative Economy: Lagos is already the global capital of Afrobeats and Nollywood. In the “Greater Lagos” model, this expands into tech-enabled creative hubs, gaming, and digital exports, drawing significant venture capital and international collaborations.

Energy, Oil, and Gas: With the Dangote Refinery and potential new discoveries and processing plants in the Ondo coastal area, the cluster is moving from being a consumer of energy to a primary producer and refiner for the entire continent.

Industrialization and Manufacturing: The “borderless” nature of the corridor allows for seamless supply chains between the raw materials and ports of Ondo/Lagos and the processing factories in Ogun. This synergy reduces the “cost of doing business” by centralizing the ecosystem.

Future Outlook and Global Investment: Over the next two decades, Greater Lagos is expected to:

Surpass National Growth: Act as an independent economic entity with a GDP rivaling mid-sized European or Southeast Asian nations.

Magnet for FDI: Attract global sovereign wealth funds looking for exposure to Africa’s urbanization.Urban Governance Challenges: Require a unified regulatory framework between the three state governments (Lagos, Ogun, Ondo) to manage transportation, waste, and security across state lines.

Conclusion

While Nigeria as a whole has faced internal stagnation (the “Nigeria of Asia” comparison to India), the Yorùbá region remains the engine of actualization. For the region to stabilize, it requires a “Class Captain”—a hegemon capable of projecting stability and economic interest.

The Yorùbá homeland, through its combination of: Industrialization (Petrochemicals and Manufacturing), Logistics (Deep Sea Ports and Superhighways), Soft Power (Language, Music, and Religion) is uniquely positioned to serve as the regional superpower that defines the future of the West African sub-continent.

The Yorùbá region’s strength lies in its Coastal Hegemony and Organic Soft Power.

The Yorùbá homeland is positioned not just as an ethnic territory, but as the “Class Captain” of West Africa—representing the sub-region in the global community through economic actualization rather than the “potentials” of the past.

Àṣírí Ọ̀rọ̀

The Interrupted Peace: From Colonial Consolidation to the Resurgence of Precolonial Conflicts

The Colonial Band-Aid: How British Amalgamation Masked Nigeria’s Unresolved Hostilities…

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2 months ago · 4 likes · Adejumo David Adebayo

The Colonial Band-Aid: How British Amalgamation Masked Nigeria’s Unresolved Hostilities

Before British colonisation, there was no peace in precolonial Nigeria. The British encountered warring kingdoms and empires, but they pursued the policy of maintaining or bringing about peace to the Polity in order to govern what would eventually become Nigeria following the Berlin Conference in 1884–1855. While the British were in Nigeria, they were able to maintain peace, but it would soon come to an end. Seven years after Nigeria gained her independence, the people resumed their hostilities. British colonisation only put a halt to the unresolved conflicts in precolonial Nigeria.

Nigeria has experienced sporadic crises since gaining its independence, including riots, political unrest, civil war, and military coups. However, in the 1970s, an ideologically motivated group known as Maitasine emerged in Nigeria for the first time since the popular Fulani Jihad of Gobir (Sokoto) in 1804. This group was led by a radical preacher from Cameroon named Alhaji Muhammad Marwa, who commanded followers in Kano and other Northern Nigeria.

Then, in early 2000, following Nigeria’s return to civilian and democratic leadership, Yusufiyah began, giving rise to JAS, also known as Boko Haram. In 2012, JAS underwent its first split, giving rise to rival Alqaeda-affiliated ANSARU Islam. In 2016, IS-affiliated ISWAP emerged, and Nigeria now has JAS (BH), ANSARU Islam, ISWAP, Darul Islam, and, more recently, Lakurawa (likely ISSP/ISGS), Mahmuda, and JNIM.

JAS and ISWAP have operated in the North-East and Lake Chad for decades, while ISWAP has been more involved in a few incidents outside of the North-East, such as the Abuja-Kaduna Train attack and the Kuje Prison attack. Meanwhile, ANSARU has terror cells in Okene/Ebiraland and other parts of Kogi State, and it has been involved in numerous bank robberies, high-level kidnappings, and attacks on police stations that have spread to Ondo, Edo, and Ọṣun States and Abuja.

The Siege on the Heartland: The Encroachment of Jihadi Terror into the South-West

By June 2022, the Yorùbá heartland’s operating theatre had begun when a Jihadi terror strike occurred for the first time in the South-West at St. Francis Catholic Church in Owo, Ondo State.

Despite the Fulani Militia’s attacks on sedentary farming communities in the predominantly Christian Middlebelt of Nigeria, which can be characterised as an ethno-religious genocide campaign, Kwara and Kogi-West/Kogi State were spared for decades. Though Yorùbáland had been caught up in the increased Fulani Herders’ hostilities against farmers and communities in Yorùbáland, these began to change by 2023. This led to the emergence of Sunday Igboho as a non-state actor and pro-Yoruba separatist sentiment, which ultimately led to the creation of the Western Nigeria Security Network, codenamed Amotekun, by states in the South-West Geopolitical Region. At this point, there had never been any known religiously motivated jihadi attacks in the South-West or Yorùbáland in general.

In February 2026, the Woro community in Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State was invaded by a Jihadi Militant Group suspected of being members of Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati wal-Jihad (JAS), also known as Boko Haram, led by a faction leader named Sadiku. The Jihadists killed 178 people, mostly men, and took 200 people, mostly women and children, hostage before marching them into an unidentified location. JAS has since released a video of the abducted individuals. This marks a significant milestone in JAS’s operations in Yorùbá World and its nearby neighbours, Nupe and Borgu, to the north.

The RUGA Legacy: Land Usurpation, Settler Colonies, and the New Frontier of Terror

Organised Fulani Militia gangs, commonly known as bandits, began launching serious attacks on Kogi-West, also known as Okunland, the Yorùbá-speaking region of Kogi State, in 2023. These gangs would soon spread into Kwara State, particularly Kwara South and Kwara North, which border Kogi West to the east and Niger State to the north. I looked into what could have caused this and why now. The responses I received were incredibly implausible and might be regarded as conspiratorial.

The Late President Muhammadu Buhari-led administration attempted to pass the RUGA and Water Resources Bills in order to create Federal Government-owned colonies for Pastoralists or nomadic herdsmen. However, the bills were thwarted because they were highly contentious, raised suspicions, and were seen as a sinister plot to usurp Indigenous or native lands from peoples in order to create Settler Colonies for future resource conflicts.

The Ebira-Fulani Alliance: Political Proteges and the Destabilization of Okunland

Alhaji Yahaya Bello, the former governor of Kogi State, was reportedly consumed by his desire to see his protege and Ebira Kinsman succeed him.

He reportedly welcomed this idea from the Federal Government and reported that Fulani herders were welcomed in large numbers in the state, with truckloads of cattle and herders pouring in every day.

More significantly, he allegedly did not give Ebiraland to the migrant herders, but rather Okunland/Kogi-West for this experiment.

There were serious repercussions:

The population of many villages and towns where Fulani herder migrants settled drastically changed, and they established settlements they called “Zango.”

In order to communicate with these communities, the locals had to learn Hausa and Fulfude languages.

With a dark “Ebira-Fulani Alliance,” he was able to effectively make his kinsman and protege to succeed him as governor of the state during an Ebira-Ebira transition.

This analysis has political implications.

The Greater Fulani Ambition: Mapping the Geopolitics of Expansion in the Niger-Benue Trough

From Futa Jalon and Futa Toro along the Sene-gambia River to Macina and Tukulor Emirate in Mali along the River Niger, and Madibbo Adama’s raids and push for access to the Benue Valley along present-day Adamawa, an unmistakable pattern can be seen throughout history. Perhaps because Okunland from Lokoja is immediately west of the River Niger, it’s a continuum of “Greater Fulani,” but this doesn’t mean that all Fulani in the world “agree” or even had consensus about this goal or ambition.

The “Bandit” Euphemism: Unmasking the Fulani Militia’s War on Sedentary Communities

According to the BBC documentary “Bandit Warlords of Zamfara,” “Bandits” are semi-independent or independent Non State Militia gangs that seek financial and territorial rewards for their acts of terror.

The Cognomen term “Bandit” is simply a euphemistic term for “Fulani Militia Gangs.”

They are merely material-driven militias, but they use ethnic sentiment or chauvinistism to defend their actions by pointing to the marginalization and criminalisation of Fulani people, the lack of commitment on the part of the Federal Government of Nigeria to improve their society and people, and actions against communities hostile to the Fulani and their nomadic culture.

They aim to replicate their demands and rationale for their acts with the Amnesty Program and the Niger Delta Militant. These bandits’ operational threat has been in the north-west, where Hausa and Fulani communities are localised or entangled. The Chief of Army Staff, the Late General Taoreed Lagbaja, conducted significant offensive theatre operations against bandits in the North-West when President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed the presidency of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in 2023.

The current president is from the Yorùbá Speaking Nation of Nigeria, so it’s possible that they expanded their operations to Kwara-Kogi to send a message to the Federal Government of Nigeria, which they resent. However, they chose not to do so when the late President Muhammad Buhari was in office.

Things Yorùbáland Needs to Do:

• The Western Nigeria Security Network, codenamed Amotekun has to sign an operational memorandum of understanding with the states of Kwara, Kogi, and Niger for cross-border operations.

• Demand for divisions or permanent military bases along the Kwara-Kogi axis.

• Demand that the establishment of State Police be accelerated.

• Every South-West State, including Kwara and Kogi, is required to acquire Reconnicance drones as well as other security and military equipment.

• In order to respond to emergency situations more quickly, all South-West states, Kwara, and Kogi states should grade or build roads in remote and rural areas through RAAMP.

• The Security Trust Fund, which South-West announced under the DAWN Commission, needs to be realised.

• Amotekun should receive more training and recruiting, as well as better enumerations and a better reward system.

• Ungoverned areas, such as border towns, which have frequently been disregarded by governments, ought to have more security and be easier to reach.

• SOS technology for prompt action in emergency situations.

• To reduce fatalities from ambushes, State Governments must invest in heavily armoured vehicles and Armoured Personnel Carriers from Pro force.

• Activities related to illegal mining should be stopped.

• The South-West Geopolitical Zone and the Benin Republic need to establish a security network or collaboration.

• To build cooperation with the police and military, the South-West States, Kwara, and Kogi States must support and encourage local vigilante groups and militia groups like OPC and Agbekoya.

• The Creation and registration of private security firms similar as PMC Wagner or Black Water should be funded or pursued by a few prominent and affluent Yorùbá patrons.

Àṣírí Ọ̀rọ̀

The Ghost of Berlin: Why Africa Must Redraw Its Own Map

If First Generation African leaders had desired True freedom of Africa, they should not have supported the strict policy of upholding the integrity of colonial borders once the colonies were awarded freedom. African leaders, both then and now, have maintained the hypocrisy of wanting an end to colonisation by adamantly upholding the colonial borders tha…

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2 months ago · 3 likes · 1 comment · Adejumo David Adebayo

If First Generation African leaders had desired True freedom of Africa, they should not have supported the strict policy of upholding the integrity of colonial borders once the colonies were awarded freedom. African leaders, both then and now, have maintained the hypocrisy of wanting an end to colonisation by adamantly upholding the colonial borders that were established without the consent and context of Africans themselves. Meanwhile, with intentional ignorance, some Pan Africanists continue to propagate the idea of neocolonialism in Africa, accusing Europeans of exploiting Africa, keeping it impoverished, and engaging in what they called White Supremacy.

The Flaw of 1963: How the OAU Failed the African Agency

A period of self-determination for all African populations and the ratification of existing empires, kingdoms, or states at the end of the 19th century by referenda would have constituted true decolonisation of Africa. An illustration of the Swiss Confederacy, Malaysia-Singapore, or India-Pakistan-Bangladesh. This would have rectified the mistakes made during the 1884–1885 Berlin Conference, which initiated the legalisation and formalization of African colonisation. The OAU (now AU) adopted the “Policy of maintaining the Colonial borders to prevent conflicts in Africa,” which has shown to be flawed since easy paths aren’t always the best ones.

Inherent Instability: The Link Between Artificial Borders and Intra-State Conflict

It is crucial to remember that the majority of conflicts in Africa are “Intra-State Conflicts and Wars” (conflict within the state/countries) rather than “Inter-State Conflicts” (conflict between 2 states/countries) or “Wars”. African nations are the least stable in the world, with the majority of them being devastated by sporadic deadly conflicts within their borders. The majority of African militaries focus most of their efforts/capabilities on preventing intra-state conflicts than inter-state conflicts. Due to the lack of national identities in the majority of African countries, particularly those in sub-Saharan Africa, these nations have frozen ethno-national identities. As a result, the constituent groups that make up each African state continue to exist in ethno-identical Civilizational states similar to those found throughout the world.

The majority of African states, particularly those in sub-Saharan Africa, lack the homogeneity that should serve as the foundation for national identity. Africa is the world’s most diverse continent, so it is impractical for every ethnic group to have its own ethno-state. Nevertheless, Africans have never been granted the right to self-determination to choose their statehood, and their opinions have never been acknowledged. In the hearts of Africans themselves, the majority of sub-Saharan African nations are imaginary and fake states. Contrary to the widely held belief that Europeans divided Africa and took control, many African communities were pleased to sign treaties with colonial states to defend themselves against local bullies, who are typically rival city states or other African groups or kingdoms.

Àṣírí Ọ̀rọ̀

Beyond the Berlin Border - Restoring Africa's Nations and Civilisations

This work is in collaboration with Adejumo David Adebayo. He provided the research used for this piece, which is the first of many contributions to Àṣírí Ọ̀rọ̀. There are a few maps presented throughout the article. Please spend a few moments digesting them…

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3 years ago · 7 likes · 1 comment · Olúwáṣèyí and Adejumo David Adebayo

The idea of “Protectorate” in Africa was about “Formal Protection allyship” from other Africans and rival Colonial Powers seeking administrative influence in the region.

Europeans then sought to end all wars and conflicts in Africa in order to administer and rule the Africans using arbitrary borders of convenience.

Africa is the world’s most linguistically and genetically diverse continent, in addition to being the most culturally diverse.

Decolonizing the Map: Why Skin-folk is Not Kinfolk

The notion that all Africans are the same negroid with melanin is absurd; it would be equivalent to claiming that all Asians are the same, which would mean that Han Chinese, Japanese, Javanese, Koreans, or all Europeans are the same.

Africans are not “Black” in Africa: Despite their skin colour, some African groups are more genetically similar to some European groups than to other African groups; people in Africa have their realities in their ethnic groups rather than racial realities; even the idea of being African is rarely felt; they are only classified as “Black” when they are among other races like White or Asian.

Within Nigerian borders, the cultural distinctions between Yorùbá and Kanuri are similar to those between Yorùbá and Germans.

From Colonial Constructs to Civilizational States: A Path to African Stability

Not only was Africa colonized and even occupied in the 19th century, but the Korean Peninsula was also occupied and colonized by its neighbours at various points in history, as was the Qin Dynasty of China, British India, and other places. Colonisation is not a recent phenomenon.

If I were to expand on this, I would even suggest that Russians colonized Mongolia, Eastern Europe, and the Balkans. It’s possible that Balkan nations were the last in the world to gain Independence after the collapse of the Soviet Union under Mikhail Gorbachev.

Today, With a projected nominal GDP, Poland’s economy is now expanding significantly and quickly.

Africa’s Lost Time: How Asian-Style Self-Determination Could Have Saved a Continent

The British Empire and its colonies in Africa would be viewed as “colonisation” on the basis of White vs. African/Black racial realities because most people would not consider what the Russians did during the Soviet Union, the Japanese during the Imperial Japanese Empire, or the Roman/Greek Empire as colonisation based on race and skin colour, forgetting that peoples of the same race could colonise one another and had nothing to do with racial differences. However, Asia and Europe only lost time, not self-determination, in contrast to Africa, which lost two crucial components of development due to colonisation: time and self-determination.

Post Colonial Africa VS Post Colonial Asia

When Imperial Japan gave up its colonies in Korea, China, and the Philippines, they simply returned to their pre-colonization state and lost only TIME. British India, on the other hand, sought self-determination as soon as it gained independence by dividing into Hindu-majority India, Muslim-majority Pakistan and Bangladesh, Singapore and Malaysia, and China returned to the state of its Qin Dynasty.

African nations such as Kanem-Borno, Sokoto Caliphate, Yorùbá Country (Ibadan, Èkìtì federation of Kingdoms, Ijebu Kingdom, New Òyó Kingdom, Ijesa, and many more), Benin Kingdom, Dahomey, Ashante Empire, Fante Confederacy, Kingdom of Kongo, Emirate of Nupe, Zulu Empire, Macina Emirate, and many more simply abandoned their agencies and refused to return to their pre-colonization state.

Rather, under the Organization of African Union, or OAU (later AU), they decided to keep the artificial borders and countries that Europeans had formed without the consents or context of Africa.

Africans would have pursued the creation of new states with their consent and contexts (self-determination) if they had followed different paths like Asians and Eastern Europe. The Emerging States might have been:

Through a treaty or charter, a number of Yorùbá Kingdoms and City States may have consented to join a single nation state. They may also be willing to unite with the Benin Kingdom and the Dahomey Kingdom to create a nation that resembles Switzerland, Belgium, or the United Kingdom.

Perhaps comparable to the United Arab Emirates, the Sokoto Caliphate (along with other Emirates) had a Unity Treaty or charter with Kanem-Borno to form a single state.

The Fante Confederacy and the Kingdom of Ga Adangbe may have had a treaty or charter with the Ashante Empire/Akan to become a state. And so on

Beyond Artificial Borders: The Case for African Self-Determination

Today, Africa’s borders would have been different, and its political reality would have been different, more stable, more progressive.

• African agency, circumstances, consent, self-determination, and their own realities would have all played a role in the formation of these states.

• The fundamental national identities of these African states would serve as the foundation for their nations.

• These African nations would have established foreign and domestic policies.

• These African nations would have had more advanced social, economic, political, and governmental systems, such as parliamentary, monarchical, Islamic, secular, theocratic, free market, socialist, etc.

• In order to promote Pan Africanism through self-determination, it would have been more practical for these African states to establish a trade and/or defence pact akin to ASEAN, the European Union, or NATO. Compared to the current ECOWAS, EAC, AU, etc., these unions would be more feasible.

Moving Forward: Why It’s Not Too Late

• The African Union should have a conference overseen by all of its partners, including the EU, rather than embracing the policy of upholding colonial borders.

• Sub-Saharan African groups ought to be gazetted, and the body should acknowledge their sovereign representatives as human agencies and the voices of their people.

The following outcomes should be adopted by the body:

• Reverse all of Berlin’s borders from 1884.

• Depending on their circumstances and reality, emerging nations can either adopt or design their own indigenous African political systems and structures or systems of government and structures.

• Ratification of statehood with African settings and consent through self-determination.

• Encourage ethnic groups with comparable pre-colonial experiences to form states. For example, ethnic groups with histories of belonging to the Songhai, Mali, Ashanti, or Sokoto empires, as well as the Yoruba Nation (Yorùbá kingdoms and city states), Kwararafa Confederacy, and Kanem-Borno Empire, should form union treaties or charters to merge into countries or states.

The requirements should include proximity and economic viability of the emerging states, Contiguous territories and borders, well defined borders, and a stable and permanent population.

• Ethno-Political Composition: Minority rights and autonomy must be accorded to dominant ethnic groups in emerging states. Alternatively, states that are heterogeneous—that is, lack dominating ethnic groups—must establish federal constitutions and autonomy.

What the African Borders, Countries and Map may look:

Many people are not aware of the brutal "Monroe doctrine" in Nigeria and how it shaped Nigeria's past and currently shaping Nigeria's future.

What many naive Nigerians especially Yorubas see as "tribal rivalry" is actually a brutal Geopolitical struggle that will determine the future of generations yet unborn.

The greatest weapon of empires is not steel, bullets or drones but the ignorance and stupidity of the ruled and conquered. Those who want you subjugated will never want you to be enlightened Which is why my teachings here should be given priority by anybody of colour especially Yoruba people.

Let us start with the Ijaws, Yes Ijaws! Ijaws have their version of Monroe doctrine and they have used brutal violence to enforce their will in Nigeria via politics or war. Ijaws believe the entire coast and creeks of Southern Nigeria belongs to them. They fought with the Yorubas in Lagos, Ogun and Ondo state between 1996 to 2003 in order to lay claim to the coastal axis of the Yoruba people. They were beaten back by OPC in Ajegunle and the Gwama boys at the Ilaje coast.

Ijaws are currently at it fighting Ibibios over the control of the entire Akwa Ibom coast line.

Go and study the Toru- ebe state that Ijaws are proposing, they literally annexed the entire Ilaje coastline, Itsekiri coastline and Itsekiri homeland into their proposed state and went to submit it to the National assembly for approval. That map is the definition of Manifest destiny and Monroe doctrine wrapped in one piece.

If Nigeria ceases to exist today and the Ijaws moves to enforce that doctrine as they have been proposing for over 30 years, the Ijaws will be at war with the Yorubas, Benins, Ibibios and Ikweeres for the next 50 years on all fronts.

What about the North???? This is one of the most interesting scenario. Ahmadu Bello, the father of modern Arewa nation, set the Monroe doctrine of the Fulanis in stone. It is straightforward, the entire Northern region created by the British colonialists must be controlled politically and ideologically by the Fulanis. When the Tivs, a formidable Ethnic bloc rose up to fight against this evil, Ahmadu Bello used federal might to Annihilate, capture and erase close to 50,000 people in 1961. That incidence was called Tiv riots. This Monroe doctrine is why Arewa elites and Nationalists will deploy billions and if need be violence to Annihilate any form of Middle Belt region and identity. Fulanis want to control the Niger River and the Benue River together with the rich fertile lands of the Non Fulani North because of their agenda for the rebuilding of a Fulanii led Sahelian order.

Arewa wants to have direct borders with the Yoruba nation and the Igbos in case of any eventuality. Therefore, they will not tolerate Ethnic nationalism by ethnic minorities in the former Northern Nigeria. The Nationalism and identity that is tolerated in this axis are Islamic Nationalism, Arewa nationalism and Fulani Nationalism. If you do otherwise, you are considered a Kafir, unpatriotic Nigerian and "an enemy of the North". The current insecurity where bandits of Fulanii extraction are wrecking havoc on ethnic minorities across this former region is intertwined with this Monroe doctrine.

Credit — Oladimeji Bolarinwa MSc, MBA

First, I want to state that I do not speak on this beyond political and historical analysis.

Already when we talk of Political polarization, propaganda, and martyrdom , we are confronted with a dangerous feedback loop, where each element intensifies the others to create a climate ripe for conflict.

The assassination of conservative figure Charlie Kirk serves as a powerful contemporary example, as his death has immediately been framed as a martyrdom event, a common historical tactic used to mobilize and radicalize a political and social base. By examining this event through a historical lens, we can see how these three forces have consistently converged to escalate political tensions and, in some cases, spark violence, but also propel a movement to greater heights.

The framing of Charlie Kirk’s death as a political martyrdom “sanctifies” his political cause, elevating it to a righteous and noble struggle, just like Christian martyrs like St. Agnes; her martyrdom sanctified the Christian faith. She chose death over renouncing her beliefs, a sacrifice that transformed her into a powerful symbol of Christian piety and purity. Essentially, there is power in the narrative of dying for what you believe in.

The Historical Tactic of Martyrdom and Political Propaganda

The concept of a political martyr is not new. It’s an ancient and potent tool of propaganda, where the death of an individual for a cause is used to sanitize a political movement, and create a powerful rallying cry. By framing a death as a martyrdom, a movement can:

Sanctify the cause: It gives a political struggle the moral and spiritual weight of a holy war. The martyr’s death is not seen as a tragedy but as a noble sacrifice, a testament to the righteousness of their beliefs. This elevates the cause above mundane politics, making it a sacred duty for followers to uphold.

Demonize the opposition: The “martyr” narrative inherently casts the “other side” as the evil persecutor or murderer. This simplifies the political landscape into a binary of good versus evil, leaving no room for nuance or compromise. The opposition is no longer just a political rival but a moral enemy that must be defeated.

Mobilize followers: The martyr’s death provides a clear motivation for action. It transforms grief and outrage into a call for vengeance, encouraging supporters to become more radicalized and committed to the cause. It can inspire acts of violence, recruit new members, and justify previously unthinkable actions in the name of avenging the martyr.

Historical examples abound. The Nazi Party leveraged the death of Horst Wessel, a member of the SA (Sturmabteilung: the party’s paramilitary wing), who was killed in a fight with communists. Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi Minister of Propaganda, immediately mythologized Wessel’s death, turning him into a symbol of the movement’s struggle. The song he wrote lyrics for, the “Horst-Wessel-Lied,” became the official anthem of the Nazi Party. This propaganda effectively painted the Nazis as the victims of political violence and justified their subsequent brutal crackdowns on political opponents.

The Role of Political Polarization in Creating a Martyrdom Narrative

In a highly polarized society, the conditions are ripe for martyrdom to flourish. The two sides are already defined by deep-seated distrust and animosity. In this environment, any act of violence is immediately interpreted through a partisan lens. The death of a prominent political figure triggers so much emotions from members of their group. Because already, giving your life for the cause is the ultimate sacrifice, the ultimate contribution.

The death of Charlie Kirk provides a modern illustration. His supporters are framing his death as a political assassination, a direct consequence of “the left’s” violent rhetoric and hatred. This interpretation, regardless of the attacker’s actual motive, serves to:

Deepen the divide: It reinforces the pre-existing belief that the opposing side is not just wrong but actively hostile and dangerous. This makes civil discourse and compromise nearly impossible.

Justify escalation: When a movement believes its own members are being martyred, it feels justified in taking more extreme measures to protect itself and its cause. This can lead to a dangerous spiral of retaliatory violence.

Solidify identities: The shared grief and outrage over a martyr’s death create a stronger sense of collective identity and purpose. It brings a community together in a common cause against a perceived enemy.

Factors in Amplifying and Disseminating the Martyrdom Narrative

Propaganda acts as the engine that fuels the martyrdom feedback loop. In the digital age, this process is faster and more powerful than ever before. Social media platforms, right-wing news outlets, and political influencers can instantly amplify a message and spread it to millions, circumventing traditional media gatekeepers.

The “martyrdom” narrative around Charlie Kirk’s death is a textbook example. Hashtags and posts on social media platforms, statements on American national television, and more immediately began framing him as a “martyr for truth and freedom,” and major political figures and commentators echoed the sentiment, even the President.

A problem with this, that many would agree with, regardless of political leanings, is that this kind of martyr rhetoric prevents a more complex or nuanced discussion about the causes of the violence and instead forces a simple “us vs. them” narrative.

But it is understandable, this is politics. This rhetoric serves as a powerful recruitment tool, inviting others to join the cause of a “martyred” leader and warning that the same fate awaits them if they don’t fight back. The act of venerating the martyr is not just about remembering them, the martyr himself or herself can be a despicable person but; it’s all about what the narrative that is crafted means for the group, their history, their struggle whether real or perceived, it’s about one’s own loyalty to the cause, and the example of the martyr as the ultimate role model.

In conclusion, the intertwining of martyrdom, political polarization, and propaganda creates a volatile and dangerous political climate. The death of a political figure in this environment can become a catalyst for further division and violence. By understanding the historical use of martyrdom as a tool of propaganda, we can better recognize and resist its modern manifestations and their potential to tear at the fabric of a peaceful society.

A people who lose their language their worldview. Language is not just for greetings or proverbs. It is the architecture of thought, the software of identity, the first school of every nation.

Here are 3 facts Yorùbá people must confront:

1. Within Yorùbá are codes for diplomacy, morality, science, and spirituality. From titles to tonalities, the language encodes a philosophy of balance, responsibility, and respect. When it fades, these values fade too.

2. Once a people start thinking only in another tongue, they start seeing the world only through another lens. This affects governance, education, and even economic behavior. They begin to consume more than they create and lose confidence in their own judgment.

3. We need public schools that teach in Yorùbá, serious funding for translation and publishing, and digital tools that make our language visible and useful. Sentiment is not strategy. National survival needs systems.

To speak Yorùbá clearly is to think Yorùbá, To feel Yorùbá and To plan Yorùbá.

Yorùbá Thought

Apòdà

This note is a treatise on how naivety, historical amnesia, and imported faiths enable the enslavement of indigenous peoples…

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9 months ago

This note is a treatise on how naivety, historical amnesia, and imported faiths enable the enslavement of indigenous peoples.

APÒDÀ - this is a name for those among us who spit on ancestral wisdom while cuddling up to foreign powers. That was the term our ancestors used; an epithet for souls so naïve, so stripped of strategic sense, they become tools for their people’s destruction. In every generation, there are those who, whether out of fear, greed, or sheer stupidity, side with the oppressor against their own.

And the outcome is always the same: loss. Loss of land. Loss of memory. Loss of self.

Take Ilọrin, for instance. The very name comes from the Yoruba phrase Ìlú tí wọ́n ti n lọ irin - the city where iron tools were sharpened. Once a thriving Yorùbá settlement, it was turned into a theocratic outpost by Fulani invaders, assisted by a local convert who betrayed his kin. That wasn’t a mere religious shift. It was conquest. Yorùbáland didn’t fall to military superiority, it buckled under betrayal. And the sons and daughters of ÌSÈSE; keepers of the land, were pushed to the margins.

This is not unique to the Yorùbá. It is a global story, and one that should make your blood boil if you still claim to be indigenous in mind or soul.

Look to South Africa. What happened when European settlers arrived? It wasn't just guns and greed, it was ideology. Doctrine. Imported gods that promised salvation while the land was being stolen under their feet. While local chiefs and elders held on for dear life, many native converts welcomed the “light” of foreign religion, thinking it would save them. It didn't. It reduced them to pariars in their ancestral space.

The Khoisan were nearly wiped out. Zulu resistance, despite its legendary ferocity, could not withstand the alliance of Christian doctrine and colonial guns. Today, the land question still festers, unresolved. Indigenous South Africans remain second-class citizens on ancestral soil.

Australia? The Aboriginal population was decimated. Not just killed, but broken. Children stolen. Cultures outlawed. A people turned into a footnote. Christian missions rebranded as saviors, all while erasing entire ways of life.

In Canada and the United States, the pattern was even more aggressive. Entire nations of native peoples were either exterminated or boxed into reservations - pushed to the fringes on lands so poor and small they could barely sustain life. All the while, churches sprang up like weeds, offering Jesus in one hand and cultural annihilation in the other.

So when you hear someone today, a Yoruba, Zulu, Māori, Apache, praising the Abrahamic gods of their colonizers while scorning the spiritual systems of their ancestors, know that you’re witnessing the APÒDÀ archetype in full bloom. A soul so alienated from itself, it will wear its chains like a badge.

History is not kind to indigenous peoples who let their guard down.

And the Abrahamic Gods, for all their promises, have never once stopped the soldiers bearing their names. Never stopped the crusaders. Never stopped the jihadis. Never stopped the missionaries from burning shrines or renaming mountains. They watched. Or worse, they were invoked.

Tell me: when the Portuguese came to the Bight of Benin, which God did they pray to? When the British razed Benin City, which hymns did they sing? When the Fulani stormed Yorùbáland, who rode with them?

We chant Psalms while they wield rifles. We fast while they negotiate treaties over our bones. We teach our children to be polite and forgiving, even as their futures are mortgaged.

Keep playing. Keep being the polite, educated APÒDÀ - welcoming your own erasure with open arms and a choir song.

Or remember who you are.

Because Earth won't miss the ones who forget themselves.

Stand up for what you stand on.

Ire o 🌴

In the heart of every human being lies an immutable truth, as ancient as existence itself: true belonging to the world is rooted in belonging to a land. Not as a fleeting guest, but in that profound, unyielding way that binds one’s very name to the soil where ancestors walked, worshipped, and were laid to rest.

"Do not sell land." This is a caution that safeguards the fundamental future of generations yet unborn. History bears witness: a people dispossessed of their land risk becoming pariahs, homeless strangers on their own planet. Our land is where Oduduwa’s legacy took root, where the oriki of our lineages were first chanted under vast, starlit skies. It is our living archive, our sacred altar, our unwavering anchor. To part with it carelessly is to sever the vital thread that binds us to our past and unravels the very fabric of our future.

Without land, a Yoruba person may still speak the language, don the Aso-oke, or dance to the vibrant rhythms of the bata drum. Yet, something profoundly vital slips away. Culture becomes a mere performance, devoid of its pulsating heart. You risk becoming a stranger to your own heritage, a visitor who knows the songs but finds no sacred ground to sing them upon. Home is the tangible embrace of earth and memory; a landless home fades into fleeting sentiment and the haunting nostalgia of what might have been. We must never allow ourselves such a desolate state.

History provides stark lessons on the devastating cost of losing land. From the colonial doctrine of terra nullius that erased ancient ties, to the rolling hills of Rwanda, the contested fields of Palestine, the indigenous territories of the Americas, and Nigeria’s own Plateau, the narrative is consistent: land is the first thing seized and the last thing mourned. It lies at the genesis of countless human conflicts. When Constantinople became Istanbul, the very name shifted, and with it, the story of a people, rewritten by those who claimed dominion. To lose land is to court erasure, to yield to others the power to dictate our identity and destiny.

Land is profoundly spiritual. It serves as the sacred bridge connecting the living, the revered ancestors, and the unblemished hope of the yet unborn. It is the hallowed ground where we pour libations to honor those who came before and where we plant the seeds of prosperity for those who will follow. To sell land without profound foresight, without a meticulously crafted plan to preserve its sanctity, is to squander what your grandchildren will desperately need to stand tall. If we collectively relinquish our land, we are left with nothing to call our own, borrowing our future from strangers who may not share our cherished dreams.

This is not a cry of hatred or a rejection of progress. It is an urgent call for clarity and profound wisdom. Leasing land, executed with discernment, can indeed foster partnerships and cultivate prosperity without ever surrendering our invaluable heritage. This path offers growth that keeps our roots firmly intact. However, to sell land outright, particularly in areas holding deep cultural or strategic significance, is to invite a silent, creeping loss and sow the seeds of future conflicts that emerge without war or warning, leaving us utterly rootless.

To my Yoruba kin, I implore you: our land is the very heartbeat of who we are. It cradles the timeless stories of our ancestors, holds the boundless promise of our children, and embodies the undeniable truth of our existence. If we lose it, we risk losing ourselves entirely. Let us hold fast to our land; it is more than a possession, it is a sacred duty to our past, our present, and the countless generations yet to come.

Awòlúmátè, ìwòn ara rẹ̀ ló mọ̀

So say the elders to the overtly boisterous and one lacking moderation, affirming that the truly discerning person knows not only what is right, but what is appropriate, and most importantly, what is within their reach especially when you are in another’s territory. Let this thought marinade.

In our time, where assertiveness is often mistaken for intelligence, and loudness confused with leadership, we must return to the deep wells of Yorùbá thought, where wisdom is not always the most visible thing in the room but often, the most respectful.

The Awòlúmátè does not walk with haste. He does not throw his weight around. He does not declare himself in every gathering. He knows his size, his season, his strength. He knows how to read the signs, not just the written ones, but the atmospheric ones: the weight of silence in a room, the age of the land beneath his feet, the tone of a host’s greeting.

When you walk in a land that is not your own, wisdom is not in the noise you make, but in the silence you keep.

It is this awareness, not fear, that shapes his posture. He walks not because he has nowhere to run, but because he knows how sacred it is to be received. He knows what it means to be allowed in. He knows that presence is not a right, it is a privilege.

Move gently, like breath over water, with the grace of one who knows that presence is a privilege, not a right.

He does not mistake hospitality for possession. He does not overstay. He does not overstep. In a world that celebrates the one who claims the floor, Awòlúmátè asks: what did it cost the host to prepare it?

Pay homage, not just with your words, but with your posture, your restraint, your reverence for names spoken before yours.

It is easy to forget that in Yorùbá worldview, every space is alive. Every land has a keeper. Every moment has a spirit. Even the air has elders. The Awòlúmátè does not forget. He shows up with humility, with quiet gratitude. He offers ÌBÀ before offering ideas. He listens before he speaks. He watches the rhythm of the people before adding his own beat.

To be received is a favour.

To be regarded, an honour.

To be remembered, that is earned by the care you carry in your steps.

In the land of another, power is not in declaring yourself, but in aligning yourself. Those who are truly wise do not dominate foreign ground, they attune to it. They do not impose. They don’t wear their own customs so tightly that they cannot bow in respect to another’s.

The wise do not dominate foreign ground; they dance with its spirit, asking nothing but the blessing to pass through without arrogance, without assumption.

We live in an age of constant movement; migration, travel, cultural exchange, digital presence. We enter spaces, physical and virtual, often with entitlement. But the Yorùbá remind us: Kò sí ohun tó dà bí ilé. Home is sacred. And when you are not in yours, your posture should reflect that awareness. To forget this is to forget ÌWÀ (character) which is the foundation of all that makes a person truly respected, truly remembered.

Awòlúmátè walks with this understanding. He doesn’t need to be told when to bow. He doesn’t need to be corrected. He knows the weight of his footsteps. He carries himself with awareness.

Let the uncivilised be guarded accordingly because, even the air has elders.

Ire o 🌴

• Ethno-Linguistic Yorubas: Rooted in West Africa, these individuals share Yoruba ancestry an…

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The Think Yoruba First School of Geopolitics (TYF-SoG) successfully held its inaugural lecture on April 26th, 2025, marking a significant milestone in the formal launch of the school and its commitment to insightful geopolitical analysis and discourse. The foundational lecture, titled "Deciphering the Fulani Empire - The Sokoto Caliphate's Nation-Building Methods & Their Influence on Modern Nigeria & West Africa," offered a deep dive into a critical historical entity whose legacy profoundly shapes the contemporary landscape of the region.

Delivered by the esteemed President of TYF, Arakunrin Oladimeji Bolarinwa, the inaugural lecture navigated the complex history of the Sokoto Caliphate, one of the largest and most influential empires in pre-colonial Africa. The lecture went beyond a mere historical overview, successfully deciphering the intricate methods employed by the Caliphate in its ambitious nation-building project. Attendees gained valuable insights into the political, administrative, social, and religious structures that underpinned the Caliphate's expansion and consolidation of power across a vast territory encompassing parts of present-day Nigeria, Niger, Cameroon, Burkina Faso, and Mali.

Arakunrin Oladimeji Bolarinwa illuminated the Caliphate's unique approach to governance, its legal system rooted in Islamic principles, its economic strategies, and its impact on the diverse populations it encompassed. The lecture critically examined the dynamics of its expansion, the establishment of emirates, and the lasting effects of its administrative framework.

Crucially, the lecture effectively bridged the historical past with the contemporary present, analyzing the enduring influence of the Sokoto Caliphate's methods on modern Nigeria and the wider West African sub-region. Arakunrin Oladimeji Bolarinwa explored how the Caliphate's legacy continues to resonate in political structures, ethno-religious dynamics, land ownership patterns, educational systems, and cultural identities. The lecture addressed how the historical forces set in motion by the Caliphate continue to shape contemporary challenges and opportunities in nation-building and regional stability.

This inaugural lecture served as an indispensable opportunity for scholars, policymakers, students, and the general public who were in attendance to engage with a topic of immense historical and contemporary significance. By deciphering the complexities of the Fulani Empire and the Sokoto Caliphate's nation-building strategies, TYF-SoG successfully fostered a deeper understanding of the historical trajectories that have led to the present geopolitical realities of Nigeria and West Africa.

The insights shared by Arakunrin Oladimeji Bolarinwa during this significant intellectual event have undoubtedly sparked crucial conversations and provided a foundational understanding for navigating the intricate geopolitical landscape of modern West Africa, setting a high standard for the rigorous and relevant analyses that the Think Yoruba First School of Geopolitics will continue to contribute to the study of geopolitics in the region.

Think Yoruba First

Think Yoruba First is here to preserve the interest of everything Yoruba, from history to politics, music, language, culture, and heritage. We Think Yoruba First.

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In Yorùbá culture, lineage is a profound link connecting individuals to their ancestry. This link, woven intricately, ties one’s identity to a skilled and artful profession. As witnessed in the movie, Gbọ́tìjà’s essence isn’t rooted in mystical charms, but rather, in his family’s ancient secrets. These secrets, entrusted by his forebears, are tenderly imparted by his father, who weaves the threads of knowledge and ancestral wisdom.

At the heart of it all lies the transfer of wisdom across lineages, a sacred passage of enlightenment. Deeply ingrained in Yorùbá tradition, this inheritance transcends mere material wealth. The inheritance encompasses the essence of wisdom and sacred power, echoing the profound understanding our ancestors held about the potency of ancestral strength.

This understanding, a cornerstone of Yorùbá heritage, ushers every newborn into their family with the promise of a triumphant journey. Gbọ́tìjà, the embodiment of these principles, bridges his lineage’s vocation with his father’s teachings, epitomizing the profound interplay between ancestry and craft. The movie, a vibrant canvas, paints the portrait of inheriting not solely riches, but the intangible treasures of ancestral wisdom and sacred vitality — keys to a flourishing odyssey through life.

Awo, Imule, and Òrìṣà

Within each lineage’s vocation, an Òrìṣà resides — a wellspring of enigmatic energy, embodying ancestral reverence. In the Yorùbá community, knowledge is both spiritual and enigmatic, reflecting the universe’s mysteries. Today’s certainties may yield to tomorrow’s revelations. Thus, the Awo system emerges — an institution akin to modern governing bodies, molding society. Rooted in Yorùbá’s belief in mystic and experiential knowledge, wisdom is internalized through transformative experiences, bound by Imule — a pledge of honesty, integrity, and respect to forces.

Gbọ́tìjà’s lineage, exemplifying this, harbors age-old Imule pacts with tree spirits. This sacred bond intertwines humanity and nature, dormant power bestowed by ancestry — each Yorùbá lineage, yours and mine, cradles such mystical endowment. Nature’s divine bestowal, nurturing consciousness with profound awareness.

The dismantling of the Yorùbá community’s nucleus, the Òrìṣàs — the lifeblood of each lineage — inflicts a profound disservice upon future generations. Many view these traditions as mere myths, relics of antiquity, and uncivilized practices. This dismissal robs us of ancestral wisdom and the sacred rapport with nature. The Òrìṣàs stand as conduits to our connection with nature’s enigma, delving into its profound mysteries.

In the rich landscape of Yorùbáland, numerous Òrìṣàs are interwoven with diverse lineages. Òrìṣà Oko, the guardian of farming, epitomizes the relationship with the earth. Ògún, tethered to hunting and iron, symbolizes a bridge to both primal and technological forces. These deities bestow upon their adherents a treasury of insights, secrets capable of propelling human technology and science.

For those within the realm of medicine and philosophy, proximity to Ifá and Osanyin unveils the mysteries underpinning the essence of remedies. Tragically, the weight of civilization’s loss and identity erosion inflicted by colonization casts a somber shadow. Our heritage, plundered by colonization’s grasp, has led to the conditioning of our minds and society, fostering the neglect and marginalization of our rich traditions and vibrant culture.

Yet, the echoes of our heritage linger, resilient in the depths of Yorùbá consciousness. The call to reclaim our lineage, honor our ancestors, and embrace the sacred synergy between humanity and nature resonates. By rekindling our connection with the Òrìṣàs, we reinvigorate our cultural essence, transcending the limitations imposed by colonization, and ushering in a resurgence of wisdom, unity, and self-awareness.

The English pushed the Opium trade on the Chinese, killed millions of Chinese, and annexed Hong Kong while China endured Opium Wars, Russian, French, and English aggression against it. They also shared the Qing dynasty. The Chinese term this time period, which spans the 1700s to 1800s, the "Age or Century of Humiliation."

They remember their history, teach it to their people, and instill it in them, but when it comes to geopolitics, interest comes first and all else follows, and China has traded and allied with the West, Russia, and built itself into a formidable force to be reckoned with economically and militarily in the modern world.

As a Yorùbá Man, I don't give a damn if the British killed My ancestors in the Anglo-ijebu War in 1892, the Anglo-Egba War (Adubi) in 1918, the Ahoyaya War (War of Boiling Water) in 1851, the Bombardment of Òyó, or the British proxy war in the Yorùbá Civil Wars (Èkìtì parapo/Kiriji War), and their involvements, as well as what they accomplished in the 19th century. If doing so can advance the interests of the Yorùbá people and their land in the twenty-first century, I will do so while keeping in mind our shared past.I have the past in my back pocket.

Geopolitics and malice do not mix.

Recall that China has undone its humiliation, reclaimed Hong Kong from the British, and is now pursuing Taiwan (the One China Policy), which was a part of the Qing dynasty at its height. China will complete the reversal of its humiliation regardless of what the US and its allies do!

Vladimir Putin stands in for the Tsar of the Russian Empire, while Xi Jinping symbolises the Chinese Emperor. All of these have profound cultural undertones. Russia has restored its imperial status with the invasion of Crimea and its special military operation in the Donbass area of Ukraine; China and Asia will thereafter be under Chinese empire.

Russia has frequently sided with the West throughout history, but it is currently moving away from the West and towards the East and the Global South.

India, what about it?

India endured a great deal of hardship—Mughal hunger, becoming a colony, being pillaged, and other things—but it is now developing its Hindu civilisation and regaining its dominance.

These are advanced civilizations, yet the West made them feel inferior. Eat from the West, Eat from Russia, and Eat from the East is India's policy. Your battles don't really interest them all that much. Hey, you have cheap Russian gas. I don't care about your conflict with the West or Ukraine, so bring them.

If I were the head of state, a political office bearer, or the department in charge of foreign policy, I would gladly cooperate with past colonisers if doing so would be advantageous to the Yorùbá people and nation. The same if Russia is involved. even if it's North Korea under Kim Jong Un.

Japan was a US enemy before and during WWII, but today the US and Japan are friends against Chinese dominance. This is despite the fact that the US unleashed nuclear bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in Japan. Japan's violent imperialism resulted in the annexation of Asia.

Geopolitics is not about resentments; rather, its defining characteristic is interest.

Nothing to feel here.

This must be understood by the Yorùbá people and their leaders. And to select our wars, adversaries, and alliances objectively and with ongoing interest. The world is not a happy place.

The Yorùbá people are one of the largest ethnic groups in Africa, with a rich cultural heritage spanning centuries. The Yorùbá people are predominantly found in Nigeria, Benin, and Togo. However, the Yorùbá people have a shared history and cultural identity, which spans all these countries. Despite this shared heritage, we have been separated by the transatlantic slave trade, colonialism, and artificial borders, resulting in a fragmented community. One way to bring us back together is through the adoption of a common time zone — Yorùbá Land Time (YLT), GMT +1 — across their territories and relations.

The adoption of a common time zone is essential to the complete decolonisation of Yorùbá lands and the unification of all split territories under one Yorùbá Nation. The concept of time is a powerful tool for social and cultural integration. The shared use of time can help to bridge the gap between people from different regions, create a sense of belonging, and foster cultural unity.

The adoption of YLT would not only serve as a means of cultural unification but also as a practical tool for coordinating business, education, and other activities across different regions of Yorùbá Land. It will also serve as an inclusive policy for diplomacy, tourism, and relations with Yorùbá influence in Latin America and Caribbeans.

Currently, Yorùbá people across different regions use different time zones, which can create confusion and make the coordination of activities difficult. By adopting a common time zone, we will be able to work more efficiently and effectively, and this will translate into greater economic and social development for the entire Yorùbá community.

In theory, China could have five time zones, but in 1949, the country moved to have only one official time zone, Beijing Time.

Yorùbá Land Time also has the potential to bring together all Yorùbá territories. There are several Yorùbá territories that are currently separated by colonial borders, which have divided the Yorùbá community and resulted in the fragmentation of our culture. By adopting a common time zone, we can start to break down these artificial borders and work towards the unification of all Yorùbá territories under one nation.

Our people have a long history of working together and collaborating across borders. Our traders have been doing business across West Africa for centuries, and this has helped to spread our culture across the region. With YLT we would build on this tradition of collaboration and cooperation and create new opportunities for Yoruba people to work together, regardless of where they are located.

Adopting YLT is not without its challenges. One of the main challenges is the need to coordinate with different countries and regions to ensure that the adoption of the time zone is smooth and seamless. However, with the support of Yorùbá leaders and communities across the region, it is possible to overcome these challenges and bring about the adoption of Yorùbá Land Time.

By Omo Orisaraibi Ogundamola Sangobiyi Ogedengbe Agbogungboro

How often do many forget that the Federal Republic of Nigeria is still a sovereign Nation that is recognized as such within the comity of Nations? The Federal Republic of Nigeria is a member of. Ecowas, African Union and the United Nations.

It is very imperative to understand that Yoruba Nation activists participation in the Nigeria elections (whilst the Nigeria union is being disputed and the Nigeria 1999 constitution as amended is highly repudiated) is not an anomaly; and it did not amount to any distraction from the their moral and legitimate expectations of being able to exercise Yoruba Nation inalienable right to self-determination.

Doesn’t it bring much relief to millions of Yoruba citizens across the world that encouraging tactical voting by Yoruba citizens in the last election in Lagos state paid off?

Let us now imagine the IPOB recent sit-at-home order in Lagos. Here was the Yoruba state they vowed to take. As they claimed that they have economic dominance in Lagos, just imagine if they are allowed to achieve a political conquest of Lagos state?

Let us take Scotland as a case study. Nicola Sturgeon was the first Minister of Scotland from 20 November 2014 — 28 March 2023.

She is a good example of a Scottish politician who doubled up as a self-determination activist.

Please read Nicola Sturgeon’s full statement announcing the 2023 independence referendum.

Ignorance, though a disease, should not be allowed to become an epidemic. Asking is a golden rule. Those seeking answers as solutions will find them. Forensic mindset is not for the lethargic and mediocre. It will be prudent for some Yoruba Nation citizens to stop demonizing those who envisaged what they didn’t see and acted for the common good of all. Suffice it to say, the Yoruba Nation remains part of the Nigerian Federation, and Yoruba Nation self-determination should do whatever is lawful, and follow acceptable global norms in our quest for total emancipation.

Those who have chosen not to be partisan and those who have chosen to do so should not be demonized. Those with innuendos are the same who before the Lagos state election were muting the idea of the Yoruba Nation self-determination organizations collaborating with Yoruba politicians to accelerate the attainment of a Sovereign Yoruba Nation.

What should be deemed wrong is for any Yoruba Nation self-determination activists to be financially induced or to gain benefits to work as a government agent to truncate the collective aspiration of the Yoruba Nation self-determination agitation.

Oduduwa koni gbe awon Odale Yoruba

That silly thing called culture: Understand My Culture, Understand ME

The greatest injustice you can do to a people is to impose your own culture on them. As I look at different people from different parts of the world, more so different parts of Africa, I see DIFFERENT peoples! They aren’t just different individuals, No. Rather, they are different PEOPLES — ’people’ with ‘s’ — peoples. That is, EACH people is a SPECIE on its own. They’ve got their own VALUES as a people — the way they are CONSTRUCTED to view things, to SEE things, to understand things, to appreciate things, to disapprove of things, ETC. All of these put together constitute what is called their CULTURE — their world-view, which gives rise to their PHILOSOPHY, their religion, their understanding of the cosmos, etc. At the local (immediate) micro level, it informs their dressing, or undressing, what they eat and what they don’t eat, as well as how they prepare what they eat, and how not to prepare what they eat; how they have SEX and how not to have sex; how they greet and how not to greet, ETC., ETC., ETC.

Like I said, ALL of this constitutes their CULTURE. We often consider the word “culture” as a word referring to either some “voodoo,” so-called, or some supposedly “primitive” “inhibitory” laws. But this is not so. If your ethnic culture is not to wear clothes, then that’s your culture. Blacks sometimes consider Caucasians of the West as having no “culture,” because, unlike the Yorubas, for instance, they have no “plurality of respect” in their language when addressing elders — but, THAT (the lack of ‘plurality of respect’) is THEIR culture! I could give several other examples. What I am trying to say is that there is NOT a people without a CULTURE! The fact that their way of life seems “liberal” or “permisive” to you does NOT mean that they have no culture! That which YOU consider as “LIBERALISM” or “PERMISIVENESS” is their CULTURE! But, you know what? They DON’T see it as liberalism or permissiveness. Rather, to them, THAT’s the NORMAL life! That’s their world view! That’s the way they as a people are CONSTRUCTED! Who constructed them that way? The Creator. You may not believe it because you consider your own way as the “NORMAL” and every other way as “ABNORMAL.” But, that which YOU consider as “abnormal” is what the Creator constructed those other people to have as “NORMAL.”

Culture is DEEP. It is what constitutes the PEOPLE — be it Yoruba, Efik, or whatever. You may consider, for instance, that all whites [Caucasians] are culturally the same — but that’s NOT true. The Portuguese have got their CULTURE — completely DIFFERENT from that of the English! The Finish culture [the ethnic group called Finnish, who speak Finnish language, and their country is called Finland]; their culture is completely different from that of the Belgian people [who speak Belgian language and their country is known as Belgium], and so on and so forth. Even in Britain, where there are three different PEOPLES — three different ethnic groups, the CULTURE of the English people is DIFFERENT from that of the Scottish people, and both are different from the culture of the Welsh people. So, if you go to Britain, don’t expect that you will meet the same behaviour in London as you would in Cardiff and both are different from what you would meet in Edinburg. London is the capital city of the English ethnic group, whose country is known as England; Cardiff is the capital city of the Welsh ethnic group, whose country is called Wales; while Edinburg is the capital city of the Scottish people [also known as the Scots], and whose country is called Scotland. Although these three “cooperate” together as one political state called ‘Britain,’ their CULTURES are so DIFFERENT from one another you’ll be SHOCKED! In the same manner, the CULTURE of the Greek people [people of the country called Greece] is so very different from the CULTURE of the people of FRANCE (the French ethnic group). But, to you, these are all whites — so you think they are all “the same”! The truth is, They are NOT all the same! They are as different from each other as the Yoruba of Africa are different from the Ebiras of the same Africa! CULTURE — which embraces ALL of a people’s LANGUAGE, ANTHROPOLOGY (the design of their PHYSIQUE by the creator), their TERRITORY (and of which they are in spiritual contact), their PHILOSOPHY, HISTORY, SPIRITUALITY, COSMIC CONSCIOUSNESS, SCIENCE, ART, GENETICS (the entire complement of their CHROMOSOMES — the genes that constitute that particular specimen of humanity, that particular ethnic group, and by which they can be scientifically IDENTIFIED and/or TRACED) — all of this, and more, is what CONSTITUTES the people, what gives them a distinctive identity on Earth, making them UNLIKE any other, and is known as their CULTURE! Culture is thus THE PEOPLE — in all the ramification of their terrestrial EXISTENCE. Culture is what makes the Yoruba different from the Igbo; the Esan different from the Bariba, the Kanuri different from the Efik, the Zulu different from the Ashanti; the Portuguese different from the French, etc., etc., etc.

As already put above, culture includes the PHYSICAL (the anthropology of the people), the GENETIC (the unique chromosomes of that particular ethnic group); the LITERARY (the LANGUAGE that is NATIVE and INTRINSIC to the people, as different from a LEARNED or ACQUIRED language); the SPIRITUAL (the unique understanding of the COSMOS of/by that particular ethnic group, and which informs their type and LEVEL of spiritual CONNECTION with the Creator and with the entire realm of the spirit-world, and which, almost invariably informs the TYPE and PRACTICE of their MEDICINE, their SCIENCE, etc., etc.) and so on and so forth. So, whenever you take or separate away a people from their CULTURE, you’ve DESTROYED such a people! You’ve taken them OFF the divine plan for them as a people created in God’s image and likeness!

To so destroy a people, and therefore to so take them OFF the divine plan for them as a people, about the most effective FIRST step is to separate them from their LANGUAGE! Language is the basic means of COMMUNICATING and of TRANSACTING and of LEARNING and ENRICHING themselves in their CULTURE! — all of the things we have enumerated above as constituting their CULTURE! So, take their language away from them, directly or indirectly, and you have started obliterating that particular ethnicity from the face of this Earth — even when they may still be physically existent, they would have been EFFECTIVELY DISABLED from being the people they were created to be.

One of the BEST ways to so take away, or separate them from their language, is to impose on them a political arrangement in which the official language of discourse is a language other than their own ethnic language, and under which system their own ethnic/cultural language becomes secondary, inferior, or even an OFFENCE to speak it! The English people are very good at employing this kind of tactic to DESTROY a people that they intend to destroy. Using this technique, and under the system that the English “masters” subject such a people to, the people’s own native CULTURAL language is dubbed “vernacular” and attracts a SANCTION when spoken! It’s the beginning of DESTROYING such a people!

About the very next technique used when trying to destroy a people, is to not only separate them from effective use of their LANGUAGE, but to also, concomitantly, make them to EMBRACE the oppressor’s own language as SUPERIOR and as a mark of SOPHISTICATION, LEARNED-NESS and of DIGNITY! Thus, peoples that are colonised by the English tend to relegate their own language to a base (despised, vulgar) level, while struggling to excel in reading, writing and speaking in the English language! They go further to dub their own people who cannot so write, read and speak English, as “illiterate”! — a derogatory term that consigns such people to the fringes of existence! Similarly, a people colonised by the French ethnic group EMBRACE French culture and the speaking of French language as “superior” and as the mark of CIVILISATION!

Thus Africa LOST its identity! It’s the greatest INJUSTICE anybody can do to a people — to take away their culture and to IMPOSE another culture on them! Thus, such a people get DISCONNECTED from their source of self-discovery, their SCIENCE, their SPIRITUALITY — the very essence of their own existence, and get, ultimately, DISCONNECTED from their own CIVILISATION — the unique BEAUTY of existence, God-given, and which ONLY that particular ethnic group is divinely-endowed to MANIFEST! Thus, that ETHNIC GROUP, THAT NATION (for the ethnic group is the Nation!) is dead! The most terrifying part of it is JUDGMENT DAY, when the God of all flesh shall gather all ETHNIC GROUPS (“nations” in the English Bible, translated from “ethnos” in the Greek) to give account of their sojourn on Earth!

Written by Pa Francis Akinnola

Mali, Burkina Faso and Guinea recently declared their desire to form a shared federation to which ECOWAS is vehemently opposed.

Coincidentally, the area covered by this proposed federation, along with its borders, shows a striking similarity with the something that once was. The map of this federation appears to be a reconstruction of combined territories of the old Mali, Songhai and Ghana Empires, a bastion of Islamic civilization.

With a population of 60 million souls and a landmass of 1,760,256 Km2, the Federation would have 3 Regional Capitals which are the previous capitals of each country that would make up the federation i.e. Ouagadougou (Burkina-Faso), Bamako (Mali) and Conakry (Guinea). If realised, the landlocked Mali and Burkina Faso will have access to the sea via Guinea, which will lead to a promotion of trades, security and transportation networks.

This proposal is the first genuine challenge which may lead to the destruction of the 1884/5 Berlin conference, a means to propel the decolonization process toward completion and a reawakening of history which was frozen for centuries.

The Lost Civilisations

In the 12th century CE, the Ghana Empire crumbled due to drought, civil wars, the opening up of trade routes elsewhere, the rise of the Sosso Kingdom (c.1180–1235 CE), and then the Mali Empire cemented its fate.

The Mali Empire collapsed in the 1460s also as a result of civil wars, the opening up of trade routes elsewhere, and the rise of the neighbouring Songhai Empire.

Songhai Empire collapsed following the 1591 Moroccan Invasion.

The Massina empire (also spelled Maasina or Macina) was an early nineteenth-century Fulbe (Fulani) Jihad state centered in the Inner Niger Delta area of what is now the Mopti and Ségou Regions of Mali. Its capital was in Hamdullahi.

Coincidentally, one of the Jihadi groups in Mali is named after the historic Macina Empire called Katibat Macina. This group, led by Amadou Kouffa and a founding member of JNIM, is one of the most active jihadist armed groups in Mali today.

Originally referred to in press reports at the Front du Libération du Macina, Katibat Macina began operating more publicly after 2015.

The Fulas of the region had for centuries been the vassals of larger states, including the Mali Empire (13th-14th centuries), the Songhai Empire (15th century), the Moroccan pashas of Tomboctou (16th century), and the Bambara Empire at Ségou (17th century).

A Reluctance for Change

Redrawing Africa’s borders to reflect its indigenous ethnic realities could be one way to address the challenges facing the continent and pave the way for a more stable and prosperous future.

Despite our struggles, we are still stuck in the 19th century and our souls continue to revolt in rejection of the realities carved by aliens with neither context nor consent.

Beyond the Berlin Border — Restoring Africa’s Nations and Civilisations
Despite our struggles, we are still stuck in the 19th century and our souls continue to revolt in rejection of the…blog.thinkyorubafirst.org

Separatist Movement In Mali

According to a Reuters report, in Northern Mali there exists a movement for sovereignty & independence for the Tuareg people. The Tuaregs claim to be marginalized, so they formed “Azawad”, different from other Islamic Jihadi groups. Previously, a coalition of armed groups in northern Mali pulled out of long-running peace talks based on a 2015 Algiers accord because of what they call a lack of political will by Mali’s military government. The agreement sought to decentralise Mali, integrate former rebels into the armed forces and bolster the economy of the north. Progress has been slow. Decentralisation has not happened, and constant violence has stymied attempts at disarmament and ravaged the local economy.

A historic reoccurrence

Different Jihadi groups across the Sahel are a repetition of historic events that have shaped the region before colonization. At different periods in history, many jihads inspired wars were fought to actualise the creation of Islamic states across the region. The world today continues to be informed by history, which shapes the present and even predictions of the future.

Implications of Security Threats in West Africa and the Sahel

Islamic Jihadi threats are already our realities and bear consequences for different ethnic communities that constitute West Africa and the Sahel.

The jihadist rebels appear to be creating a large area of influence from Niger to Togo in order to keep supply lines open, recruit people and procure material, say analysts.

Last year, Togo experienced its 4th terror attacks since 2021, causing deaths and displacement. As we know, this is one of the West Africa coastal countries.

As the most affected Coastal West Africa State, the Benin Republic is afflicted with the expansion of JNIM, an Islamic Jihadi Organisation, which has been recruiting personnel from Bariba ethnic communities across the Northern region of the country.

Beninese government is preparing to invite Rwandan Military for assistance. The violence in Benin, a country of 12 million people, is largely a result of what’s happening in neighboring Burkina Faso, where jihadi attacks have killed hundreds and displaced nearly 2 million people.

Initially, the attacks were confined to the border between eastern Burkina Faso and Benin in the Alibori and Atacora regions, but are now expanding. A rise in incidents in populated areas around the parks with jihadis connected to the al-Qaida-linked group known as JNIM, has pushed Benin’s military from the border creating a security vacuum which has allowed the terrorists to take control of part of the country.

Jihadi attacks in Benin have spiked more than tenfold between July and December compared to the same period in 2021 — from 2 to 25 — according to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project. This is more than any other coastal state in West Africa.

Meanwhile, communities in Benin say they are being forced to accept a life they never thought they’d have to endure.

“We thought for a moment, perhaps because of a certain naivety … that (we) could escape the situation of threats, of near-daily attacks that (Benin) is undergoing,” said Arnaud Houenou an expert in national security and a professor at Benin’s University of Abomey Calavi.

“Benin has been spared the terrorist war in the Sahel despite its proximity to Nigeria and Burkina Faso,” he said. “But reality has set in.”

Full Report here

NIGERIA

Nigeria experienced Increased ISIS spread, with the recent Owo church attack in 2022. As the first of its kind in the South-West (Yorùbá) region, it signals a very dangerous precedence, Kogi a North Central state, with a part of its populace Yorùbá of it called okun-region and others, had experienced ISWAP claimed attacks in the western section of the state occupied by the Yorùbá.

Likewise, Taraba, Niger and Abuja, the Federal Capital city, have been riddled with incessant attacks by various armed groups.

It is important to note that Kogi is the most strategic location in Nigeria, closest to Abuja, the power center of Nigeria, from which attacks could be launched on at least 10 states. If the extremist violence continues to spread, it could have far-reaching consequences. It’s a direct threat to Lagos state from the Western flank.

In Benin Republic, Yorùbá People are likely the third largest ethnicity. As the occupant of the coastal region with the threats from Sahel towards the South, there is no escape, either push northwards or we are pushed to the sea.

We may have to find remedies from revisiting our past.

Meanwhile, the need for political leaders to preempt and respond to the current development is crucial. The crisis is existential, therefore, if the capacity to ensure the peace, security and livelihood of the people is not secured, the doctrine of necessity and self defence may end up ruling the day. Therefore, measure like Amotekun need to be expanded for further effectiveness.

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Àṣírí Ọ̀rọ̀ | Substack
Africa is neither a monolith nor a country. We analyse issues including (geo) politics, social and economics, focusing…imo.asirioro.com